If one asks an average
Indic whether he has any comments on the debate regarding the origin of the
Vedics, his first reaction might be that he was not aware there was a debate
and as far as he could recall the Vedics had since the beginning of recorded
history, populated an area roughly
contiguous with present day Haryana and Uttaranchal. In other words (it is
my suspicion that ) this topic is not exactly one that occupies center
stage in the streets and living rooms of Mumbai and Kolkatta .However,
this remains a subject with far reaching implications for the future of
India. One example being the dialog that is taking place in India over the
perceived inequalities among various classes of Indic society today,
their causes and how they should be handled. One other point should
be made regarding the consequences of such a hypothesis . The colonial
overlord thereby made the implication very clearly that they were just the
latest in a long line of conquerors and had as much right to be present as
the descendants of the Vedics ,who would after all be now be regarded as
conqueror much as the Normans conquered England
Ever since Friedrich Max
Mueller first postulated this hypothesis, it has been a major preoccupation of
a fairly large section of linguists, historians, philologists, religious
clergy and other academic scholars in Europe and now even in America..
The reasons for this are not difficult to fathom. It was Sir William Jones
who first noticed that there appeared to be a common origin of some commonly
used words like father (Pater, Latin, pitr, Sanskrit), mother and brother
. Soon it became apparent that even well known names of Gods in Greek and
Roman Mythology such as Zeus (Dyaus ,Sanskrit) and Jupiter (Dyaus Pitr,
Sanskrit) had their origin in Sanskrit. This was a major revelation
especially to the linguistic and historian community in Europe at that time,
because it was a paradigm change in the manner in which they viewed the
Indian subcontinent and the origins of their own language. How did this
commonality in literally hundreds of words come about ? The simplest
explanation at that time (and even today) was that there was a significant
migration of people accompanied by invasions that was the primary engine for
the spread of language. Even though Sanskrit was palpably the more ancient
language in this group of languages, they immediately dismissed the notion
that there was any kind of migration from the Indian subcontinent. Thus was
born the Aryan Invasion Theory (AIT). The main flaw in the theory and
there are many more described for example in the many links and books in
this section (for instance my summary in The
South Asia File) , the main
flaw is that there is absolutely no record of such an invasion or even
a migration in any of the vast literature of the Vedics.
This theory and its far
reaching implications has escaped the notice of the Indic population
in general, preoccupied as they were with the more mundane necessities
of making a living and the more immediate task of nation building.
The invasion theory of Indian History was first
postulated by Hegel (1831) that India lacked historical agency and that
India was a cultural cul de sac from which nothing worthwhile ever emanated.
The Aryan Invasion Theory (which has now morphed into Aryan Immigration or
Influx Theory), based largely on linguistic conjectures and postulates is a
narrative that was force fitted to Hegel’s postulate. In one brilliant
master stroke, the Brits killed several birds with one stone.
What were the Basic Postulates of AIT – that a race of nomadic Aryans came
thundering across the passes of the Hindu Kush mountain range on horse drawn
chariots and overcame the sedentary urban Civilization of the Indus river
valleys who happened to belong to the Dravidian race and then shortly
thereafter in short order decided to compose the entire gamut of Vedic
Literature from the Vedas, puranas, the smritis, the Brahmanas the
Upanishads and the Itihaas of India. If this is was what really happened,
the transformation from Central Asian Nomads to the intellectual
speculations inherent in the Vedic literature must surely rank as one of the
most rapid transformations in human history
See for instance http://www.boloji.com/architecture/00002.htm
What did the postulation of AIT accomplish
Postulated a discontinuity
between the Vedics and the Saraswathi Sindhu Civilization, and
assigned a much more recent date to the Vedics and hopelessly
confused the issue of the precedence of the Vedics.
Postulated the presence of
two new races, Aryan and Dravidian, a racial nomenclature that
was custom fitted to the Indian peninsula to suit the need of
the colonial overlord for emphasizing the diversity of ethnic
and linguistic communities in the subcontinent. When it
became unfashionable to be Aryan, especially when the Germans,
courtesy of Nietzsche and others elevated the category to the
status of a master race, the nomenclature was changed to Indo -
European and this has since morphed into various other names.
Despite the lack of a proper definition both terms continue to
be used ad nauseum when referring to certain ethnic groups in
the Indian subcontinent and also as the defining word in the
‘AIT’ acronym. I may be forgiven for avoiding use of the word as
much as possible, as I remain ignorant of the defining
characteristics of the Aryan people.
Ergo, the Vedics became aliens to the subcontinent and became
associated with the mythical Aryans, a noun which is never used
in the Vedas, with all its 20th century fascist connotations.
The communists in India have now latched on to this notion of
the mythical Aryans and have decided that henceforth they will
refer to any Hindu who does not conform to their jaundiced view
of Indian history, as not only Aryan but also a fascist. Such a
notion was (and is) of course lapped up very willingly by the
western press, as the irony of a fascist Brahmana priest
performing a puja clad only in a loin cloth was too delicious to
pass up and thus was born the nirvana, the piece de resistance
of the cliché kingdom, the ad hominem of choice, the Hindutva[1]
fascist. So lavishly is
this appellation now applied to the millions of inhabitants of
the Indian subcontinent, creating thereby the spectacle of the
first instance of an impoverished fascist in the known galaxy
and so widespread is this outlandish and absurd notion of the
fascist Hindutva, that it has spawned at least one PhD thesis[2],
more than a half a dozen books, excoriating the straw man of a
Hindu nationalist’ and is a major contributor to the bandwidth
of the internet discussions on the sociology of India
To top it off, the caste system was now associated with these
marauding but anthropologically non-existent Aryan people.
The conclusion was inescapable –the British were simply a latter
version of the Aryans to have conquered India and had as much
legitimacy to remain and rule India as did the original Vedics.
Meanwhile back at the ranch, the defeated and displaced
Dravidians allegedly retreated to the south and formed the bulk
of the downtrodden castes (the castes were now delineated and
created very conveniently and fortuitously by the colonial
overlord who was never at a loss to miss such a golden
opportunity as this) of modern India – gave rise to the plethora
of Dravidian parties in the state of Tamilnadu. So much so that
today no party can get elected in the southern state of Tamil
Nadu without the appellation of Dravidian tacked on to its name.
To this day many Indians
remain oblivious to the glaring fact that there is not a shred
of evidence for this set of egregious hypotheses masquerading as
a theory and the reasons for this sad state of affairs with the
resulting disastrous effects on the body politic of the Indian
Republic are too obvious to recount here. We trust we will have
the opportunity to elaborate on these consequences in a later
section, should there be need to do so.
[1]
Please see
glossary
in the
linguistics section for meanings of words of Indic
or Sanskritic origin
[2]
Incidentally this thesis and the accompanying books by
Dr. Koenraad Elst are definitely a landmark in the
sense that he has marshaled a compelling narrative of
why such an appellation in the Indian subcontinent is
without relevance and in fact without any meaning
whatsoever
So what was once purely a preoccupation of the Europeans over their roots
has now been transformed into a debate on the origin of the Vedics
with large scale implications on the history of India. It is important
to note that the writing or more precisely the rewriting or revising
of Indian History was largely in the hand of the English since they were the
colonial overlords and they retained control of the language of command and
control, namely English ,by making it the official language of India.
The engineering of this paradigm shift, was a major coup for the British
administrators of colonial India and is described in greater detail in our
essay The South Asia File.
That it was a ploy to justify the colonial rule by the British 'descendants'
of the Aryans of an earlier era was as much as admitted by the British Prime
Minister himself ..We will let Navaratna Rajaram
describe the situation in his own pithy style, as only
he can do;
"The British, however, put it to more
creative use for imperial purposes, especially as a tool in making their
rule acceptable to Indians. A recent BBC report admitted (October 6, 2005).
'It [the Aryan invasion theory] gave a historical
precedent to justify the role and status of the British Raj, who could argue
that they were transforming India for the better in the same way that the
Aryans had done thousands of years earlier.' That is to say, the British presented themselves as a
‘new and improved brand of Aryans’ who were only completing the work left
undone by their ancestors in the hoary past. This is how the British Prime
Minister Stanley Baldwin put it in the House of Commons.
Now, after ages, …the two branches of the great Aryan ancestry
have again been brought together by Providence… By establishing
British rule in India, God said to the British, “I have brought
you and the Indians together after a long separation, …it is
your duty to raise them to their own level as quickly as
possible …brothers as you are…”
This leaves little
to the imagination."
The
BBC show also lists the adverse effects of the AIT as follows
Dangers of the theory
Opponents of the Aryan invasion theory claim that it denies the Indian
origin of India's predominant culture, and gives the credit for Indian
culture to invaders from elsewhere.
They say that it even teaches that some of the most revered books of Hindu
scripture are not actually Indian, and it devalues India's culture by
portraying it as less ancient than it actually is.
The theory was not just wrong, some say, but included unacceptably racist
ideas:
it suggested that
Indian culture was not a culture in its own right, but a synthesis of
elements from other cultures
it implied that
Hinduism was not an authentically Indian religion but the result of
cultural imperialism
it suggested that
Indian culture was static, and only changed under outside influences
it suggested that the
dark-skinned Dravidian people of the South of India had got their faith
from light-skinned Aryan invaders
it implied that
indigenous people were incapable of creatively developing their faith
it suggested that
indigenous peoples could only acquire new religious and cultural ideas
from other races, by invasion or other processes
it accepted that race
was a biologically based concept (rather than, at least in part, a
social construct) that provided a sensible way of ranking people in a
hierarchy, which provided a partial basis for the caste system
it provided a basis
for racism in the Imperial context by suggesting that the peoples of
Northern India were descended from invaders from Europe and so racially
closer to the British Raj
it gave a historical
precedent to justify the role and status of the British Raj, who could
argue that they were transforming India for the better in the same way
that the Aryans had done thousands of years earlier
it downgraded the
intellectual status of India and its people by giving a falsely late
date to elements of Indian science and culture
So
successful was this endeavor of postulating the AIT, that today most of the prescribed English
language textbooks in India mention the AIT as fact and not as an unproven
hypothesis. What is even sadder is that a significant proportion of the
population in India have internalized this version of history and are
vociferous in debating in favor of it. The debate has been documented
by Edwin Bryant (2005),within the context
of the framework established by the European Indologists, while pronouncing
himself an agnostic on the issue. We will touch upon several
aspects of the debate in this section
Quotes
Dilip Chakrabarti " This book explores some underlying
theoretical premises of the Western study of Ancient India. These premises
developed in response to the colonial need to manipulate the Indian's
perception of their past. The need was felt most strongly from the middle of
the nineteenth century onwards, and an elaborate racist framework, in which
the interrelationship between race, language, and culture, was a key
element, slowly emerged as an explanation of the ancient Indian historical
universe. The measure of its success is obvious from the fact that the
Indian nationalist historians left this framework unchallenged."
What follows is a the
expression of slightly different points of view on this highly charged topic
First a column by Rajiv
Malhotra
in Hinduism today Spring 2006 edition
While there has been much heat generated on
this topic, a successful
campaign must realize that it is long term and is up against very
heavily intellectually armed opponents. Hence there must be a long
term study and discussion by serious scholars on our side, just as
there has been within the other side for several decades. This is like cricket practice to make the home team stronger. In this spirit I
recommend the following 3 books to those wanting to understand the
racist/Eurocentric origins of the Aryan theories in the west. Each of
these books is from a credible author and academic publishing house,
and not from anyone linked with politics of Hinduism or Indian
nationalism - this is important. Yet these books give hard facts to
support our case and each is the result of a decade of sweat and toil
on the author's part.
1) Maurice Olender, "The Language of Paradise: Race, Religion, and
Philosophy in the Nineteenth Century." Harvard University Press. 1992.
2) Thomas R. Trautmann, "Aryans and British India." University of
California Press. 1997.
3) Edwin Bryant, "The Quest for the Origins of Vedic Culture : The
Indo-Aryan Migration Debate." Oxford University Press. 2004.
It could also be a good strategy to gift this set to future state
education boards, as attachments to our position paper, and to quote
from these in a proper manner. This would raise the barrier to
counterattacks, as it would not be a simple matter to assert
guilt-by-association against alleged "Hindu Nationalists." One should
argue that this debate has serious contenders on BOTH sides, and hence
it is best left out of the classrooms of 11-year old Americans and
their naive teachers.
Personally I think it is wiser to refute the Aryan migration (yes, migration is just as harmful as invasion) theory WITHOUT trying to
replace it with an alternative out-of-India theory. That way you don't
arm the opponents with an opportunity to attack. What matters is
REMOVING the prevailing Aryan theory, and in fact explaining it as the
result of 19th century European racism and nationalism that culminated
in Nazism. For a theory to be refuted it is not required that one must
supply an alternative theory - v important point, so lets avoid
over-ambition. It is okay to let it at this stage be moved to neutral
territory, as something of a mystery in which further archeological
research is required because current knowledge is simply inadequate.
This is a sound agnostic position for an educator to take.
In short, my position is as follows:
1) Aryan theory (invasion or migration) was invented by 19th century racist
European intellectuals for political reasons.
2) It was never argued in proper intellectual fashion and was simply
assumed, with generation after generation adding more layers of white
supremacist suppositions.
3) Archeological data discovered in the 20th century data started to
contradict this.
4) Many sound scholars such as the authors of the above listed books
have come out to refute this old theory.
5) Many Indians came out to build alternative theories which are
India/Hindu centric, and these have been attacked as counter
chauvinism.
6) The hard data does not support either kind of chauvinism - the Aryan theory must not be taught as some kind of fact, while at the
same time no out-of-India alternative should replace it. The gaps
between textual evidence and archaeological evidence has simply not
been bridged at this stage. This is a very sound and defensible
position.
and my reply
Rajiv,
since you have been kind enough to include me in your mailing list on such
an important issue, it behooves me to give you the courtesy of a reply,
especially when on those rare occasions i find myself in disagreement with
you.
It is
not the diagnosis (which even the most rabid supporter of the Aryan
Migration does not have the courage ,much less the data to dispute) that i
take issue with but the remedy or strategic response and the reasoning
behind it. In addition to your diagnosis i might point out that the sole leg
to stand on for the Aryan tourist theories is the POSTULATION (not a fact
but a hypothesis based upon layers of linguistic postulates -which are in
turn represented as fact-on the nature and velocity with which languages
diffuse and change) that there once existed a PIE with a Urheimat ,for want
of a better phrase LIES ANYWHERE BUT IN INDIA. BTW, as an aside ,as far as the classroom
textbooks are concerned we were even lucky to have gotten acknowledgement
that there is a controversy.
But
apart from the lack of merit in the Aryan Tourist theory I have the
following points to make for you to ponder (probably not for the first or
even the last time surely).
The
first point to make is that there is no middle ground here. For once it
is not a reductionist argument to say that this is primarily a binary
proposition. Either the Vedics migrated out of India or the Proto
Europeans migrated in all the way to the heart of the Vedic Civilization
namely the upper reaches of the Saraswati Yamuna Gangetic Doab, which
they would have had to do before it dried up (recall that during
Balaramas pilgrimage that the Saraswati was no longer a mighty flowing
river, but only gets scant mention in the Great Bharata epic. This
places it before the beginning of the Kaliyuga 3100 bce. There is simply
no other way to explain the cognate nature of the large group of
languages
Furthermore, if one postulates that the entire corpus of the Vedas awaited
the arrival of the blessed Lithuanians (who qualify under the general rubric
of anywhere but India theory), then their migration should date back even
further to the 5th or 6th millennia bce. But these are relatively minor
specks of 'dal mein kuch kala hai' for our erudite adversaries to bother
about. I personally have little interest in postulating a OIT, as all I
desire is that the narrative of our heritage and Civilizational ethos be
wrested back from an assorted gaggle of individuals all with a vested
interest in retaining this theory. See my essay on
The South Asia File where i flesh out the narrative and the motives of
the Brits (it need not take the intelligence of a CVRaman to figure this
out). But my point is that given the stakes were and are so high, and that
it is primarily a binary issue , there remains no face saving fallback
position for our esteemed opposition and hence the obstreperous
stonewalling. Conclusion, they will never back down from this purely binary
proposition, because the alternative is ignominy and ridicule. Confucius
may have brought attention to the all too common failing of face saving, but
it is the denizens of the west that have perfected it to a fine art,
especially when the antagonists are the impoverished and teeming millions
of a former colony
This leads me to the second point. To imply that any attack on the
postulates of the tourist theory classifies me ipso facto as rabid right
wing chauvinist, presumably one of the much reviled genus called
Hindutvavadi is definitely a reductionist argument and to hold that up
as an eventuality even for the sake of argument, is exactly what our
opposition would have us do . This is the oldest trick in the book
practiced to perfection first by the Romans who first used the locals to
enforce their rule, and then by a succession of imperial powers till
Britain did the same in India with at most 100,000 of their country men.
Basically the proposition is very simple either you are for us, in which
case you are reasonable and we will throw in a dog bone that you are
almost one of us , by virtue of being a indo European, or you are
against us in which case we will brand you an extremist and (trumpets
please) the ultimate insult a Hindutvavadi a term which our esteemed
professor has picked up from his Marxist allies in India. Never mind
that a Hindutvavadi was Prime Minister of the worlds largest democracy
for five years, elected to the highest executive position in the land.
Were it not a malicious charge made by people incapable of getting
elected to dog catcher , I would find it droll that I would be
classified as such. Not that I find it pejorative because then, I am in
the same company as KD Sethna, my distinguished contemporary and
fellow alumni
from St.Xaviers College, Mumbai who wrote those 2 landmark books (listed
as a footnote) which set the ball rolling towards unraveling the great
hoax of the Migration Invasion Acculturation Tourist Theory. We must recognize
that the Quest for the origin of the so called Aryan is primarily a
preoccupation of the West in search of their own roots and their
inability to come to terms with the glaring fact that Sanskrit had a
developed grammar and described an evolved Civilizational ethos far
ahead of anything comparable in the West and has little to do with the
heritage of India
There
are other points to be made, but I wanted to highlight today the futility of
a strategy ,premised on a ‘log kya kehenge’ syndrome, because this is
precisely what our opposition want us to do. It is my humble opinion that
every once in a while one must take a stand. This is one of those instances.
Once again, I couldn’t care less about alternatives to the ATT, other than
as an academic curiosity. However, there is too much at stake here, Too much
mischief has sprung from this one postulate (the miscasting and
misnaming of the caste
system, the north south divide, the misdating of the chronology starting
from Sir William Jones and reinforced by Max Mueller}. In fact this challenge
provides us a once in a rare occasion to shake the shibboleths and
assumptions of the west and initiate a paradigm change in the way the west
would view us and equally importantly have us look at our selves.
With
kind regards,
Kaushal
Books
by KD
Sethna
Sethna, K.D.,(1992) The Problem of Aryan Origins, Aditya Prakashan, New
Delhi
I appreciate
various inputs from OIT proponents
that I have received after my recent
article in Hinduism Today on the
Aryan issue. However, any debate
must be in its context, so let me
first of all state that there are
two debates, briefly as follows:
Debate A: Winning the US school
textbook battles involving various
states and publishers.
Debate B: The academic scholars'
debate among themselves about
ancient history.
My posting in a private email group
on Debate A were excerpted by
Hinduism Today with my permission,
so the context of my statement in
the article should be clear.
Unfortunately, our side has been far
less organized than the opponents,
despite having had a lead of several
months when the proceedings started.
Many on our side lost track of the
pragmatics and wandered off in
theorizing and getting mixed up with
Debate B.
In the long run, B influences A, and
I have been one of the earliest
voices calling upon Hindus to take
the academic biases seriously. But
in the immediate context of winning
A, it has a life of its own and one
must understand the processes at
work to be effective.
So let me address debate A strategy:
When the proofs available are
anything less than absolutely
conclusive, the side with the burden
of proof has a handicap. For
instance, the prosecutor has the
burden to prove guilt, while the
defendant does not have to prove his
innocence and has to merely show
flaws in the prosecutor's case. (OJ
Simpson's lawyer did not try to
prove who committed the murder.
Rather he merely showed that the
prosecutor's case against OJ was
defective because "the glove did not
fit." Period.)
Lesson: It is easier to shoot holes
in the other party's arguments than
to establish one's own counter
thesis. Therefore, shifting the
burden of proof is a very sound
strategy. Don't be a hero and try to
prove more than is necessary to win,
because in the attempt to become a
hero one arms the opponent with
opportunities to deflect attention
away from the opponent's weak spots.
Here are three alternative
strategies one may adopt in debate A
in California or another state:
1) Require proponents of AIT/AMT to
prove THEIR position: They will fail
for sure as it was never proven and
merely adopted by default and based
on the credibility of its proponents
for 150 years.
2) Prove flaws in AIT/AMT: This
gives us the burden of proof and
this should be a backup choice after
(1).
3) Make a counter thesis of our own,
i.e. OIT, and prove it: This puts
the burden of proof on us for OUR
hypothesis. Unfortunately, too many
persons arguing in California's
debate A adopted this strategy and
it was ineffective.
Now as far as debate B goes, that's
another matter and should not to be
mixed up here and now with A.
In debate B, AIT/AMT vs. OIT are NOT
the only two (binary) choices. We
also have the choice, "insufficient
data available to decide." A judge
may decide "guilty" or "innocent" or
"insufficient evidence." Given the
hard reality that the AIT/AMT side
controls the forums of prestige and
power in the academy, and blocks all
participation by their opponents,
moving the debate to the middle
ground and thereby bringing both
sides as equal participants would be
a step in the right direction. This
is impossible if we go with OIT
demands up front.
Furthermore, linguistic and cultural
influences can and do flow
simultaneously in many directions.
Today's internet results in
co-development by teams spread
around the world. In ancient times
the process was far slower but
analogous. Ancient trade of goods is
well acknowledged and likewise there
was "trade" of ideas, memes, etc. as
well.
A common mistake is to assume that
flow of genes from place X to Y
correlates with the flow of ideas
from X to Y. Buddhists did not have
a massive gene flow from India to
East Asia and yet ideas flowed from
India to East Asia. Another example
is that today third worlders go to
US colleges and bring back US
culture; so net gene flow is from
third world to USA and a small
number return with the reverse flow
of culture. In other words,
there may be a million humans (and
hence net gene flow) from X to Y,
but a small number of intellectuals
(say 500) from Y to X bringing ideas
back. Indian mathematics went to
Europe via Middle East,
without Indian gene flow to Europe.
Aveda (owned by Estee Lauder) is the
top selling brand of Ayurveda in USA
not because Indian genes brought it
to USA but because one American
couple who lived in
India brought it back to USA.
Another mistake is to assume that
gene flow is always from invader to
invaded. Indians were taken as
slaves in massive numbers to the
slave markets of Middle East and
Central Asia, and they took Indian
music (e.g. via "gypsies") and other
culture with them. It would be false
to say that the existence of Indian
influence in the Middle East
correlates with an Indian invasion
of the Middle East.
Incidentally, in debate B, I would
like to recommend a very important
book by Prof D.K. Chakrabarti of
Oxford University, 'Colonial
Indology – Sociopolitics of the
Ancient Indian Past.' ( Delhi 1997:
Munshiram Manoharlal).
regards, rajiv
Response of Dr.
Rajaram to Rajiv Malhotra
Dear Sri
Arumugaswamy:
I read with interest
Rajiv Malhotra's op-ed piece
"Assessing the Aryan Myth" in the
Spring issue of HINDUISM TODAY.
While I laud his intentions, I found
his article to be uninformed and
misleading. It gives the impression
that there is still a serious debate
about the Aryan invasion over
fundamentals, when both history and
science have demolished it. What we
have is no longer an academic debate
but a battle of polemics and
propaganda that has lately
degenerated into political lobbying
as witnessed in the California
school controversy.
The basic problem is Malhotra's (and
other's) reliance on secondary and
tertiary sources like Trautmann and
Edwin Bryant, when ample primary
data is available. Also, I fail to
see the 'refutation' of the Aryan
invasion in
these books, especially in Edwin
Bryant's. It is a timid work which
tries hard to be on the right side
of academic power equation. (I know
this for a fact since Bryant came to
see me before he wrote the book.)
I find that Malhotra (and others)
treat these academics with excessive
deference, thus emboldening
propagandists like Michael Witzel to
throw us on the defensive by taking
an aggressive posture. They rightly
assume that their opponents will
never go beyond passive protest,
which will get lost in the din.
There are no short cuts. We must
take the bull by the horn and argue
from facts and fundamentals. There
is no reason for timidity when the
facts are on our side. (See
attachment.)
Appeasement, which is what I see in
Malhotra's article will for ever
condemn us to be engaged in a
non-existent "debate" on their terms
that will go on forever.
Finally, totally disagree with his
stance:
"We don't know." We do know a great
deal as the attached article shows.
The truth needs only to be
propagated, not diverted by
conceding the ground to our
adversaries.
Sincere regards,
N.S.
Rajaram
And
his letter to the President of
Harvard university
March 18, 2006
Mr. Steven Hyman, Provost
Harvard University
Dear Mr. Hyman:
I am writing this in connection with an article in the Pakistani newspaper DAWN by Michael Witzel, Wales Professor of Sanskrit at Harvard, advertising his supposed triumph over the Hindus (Hindus) in California schools. (See attachment.)
Leaving aside the fact that it is tasteless, but protected by academic freedom, and the fact that it might involve him and the California Scholl Board in a protracted legal battles, I am struck by the fact that Witzel advertises himself as Professor of South Asian Studies, and not Professor of Sanskrit.
The reason for suppressing this fact is not hard to seek. His advertising his position as Sanskrit Professor might turn off potential Pakistani sponsors in his efforts to sell himself as an anti-Hindu lobbyist.
I use the word "advertise" because Witzel has formed a consulting group that calls itself The Academic Indology Advisory Council , and IAPC (Indian American Public Education Council), with the dedicated website http://www.indiantruth.org/ , offering its services to potential customers.
Naturally, it would be bad policy to advertise himself to potential Pakistani customers as Sanskrit Professor.
It is not my place to decide whether the Wales Professor Michael Witzel is guilty of conflict of interest in simultaneously posing as an independent expert on Hinduism to California school authorities, while suppressing the relevant facts in selling his services to potential customers in Pakistan. That is something for the California courts to decide, where there are several lawsuits pending.
All this proves, if any further proof was needed, that Michael Witzel is less a scholar than a political lobbyist, and now a budding entrepreneur looking for customers for his anti-Hindu lobbying skills.
Sincerely,
N.S. Rajaram
India Acquired Language, Not
Genes, From West, Study Says Posted April 3, 2006
Most modern Indians descended from South Asians, not
invading Central Asian steppe dwellers, a new genetic study
reports.
The Indian subcontinent may have
acquired agricultural techniques and languages—but it
absorbed few genes—from the west, said Vijendra Kashyap,
director of India's National Institute of Biologicals in
Noida.
The finding disputes a long-held
theory that a large invasion of central Asians, traveling
through a northwest Indian corridor, shaped the language,
culture, and gene pool of many modern Indians within the
past 10,000 years.
That theory is
bolstered by the presence of Indo-European languages in
India, the archaeological record, and historic sources such
as the Rig Veda, an early Indian religious text.
((This
is a plain non sequitor, the AIT is not bolstered by either
the archaeological record or the Rg veda. There is
absolutely no mention of a migration froma distant
land anywhere i the Rg)
Some previous genetic studies have
also supported the concept.
But Kashyap's findings, published in
the current issue of the Proceedings of the National
Academies of Science, stand at odds with those results.
True Ancestors
Testing a sample of men from 32 tribal
and 45 caste groups throughout India, Kashyap's team
examined 936 Y chromosomes. (The chromosome determines
gender; males carry it, but women do not.)
The data reveal that the large
majority of modern Indians descended from South Asian
ancestors who lived on the Indian subcontinent before an
influx of agricultural techniques from the north and west
arrived some 10,000 years ago.
Most geneticists believe that humans
first reached India via a coastal migration route perhaps
50,000 years ago.
Soon after leaving Africa, these early
humans are believed to have followed the coast through
southern India and eventually continued on to populate
distant Australia.
Peter Underhill, a
research scientist at the Stanford University School of
Medicine's department of genetics, says he harbors no doubts
that Indo-European speakers did move into India. But he
agrees with Kashyap that their genetic contribution appears
small.
It doesn't look like there was a massive flow of genes that
came in a few thousand years ago," he said. "Clearly people
came in to India and brought their culture, language, and
some genes."
"But I think that the genetic impact of those people was
minor," he added. "You'd don't really see an equivalent
genetic replacement the way that you do with the language
replacement."
Language, Genes Tell Different Tales
Kashyap and his colleagues say their findings may explain
the prevalence of Indo-European languages, such as Hindi and
Bengali, in northern India and their relative absence in the
south.
"The fact the Indo-European speakers are predominantly found
in northern parts of the subcontinent may be because they
were in direct contact with the Indo-European migrants,
where they could have a stronger influence on the native
populations to adopt their language and other cultural
entities," Kashyap said.
He argues that even
wholesale language changes can and do occur without genetic
mixing of populations.
"It is generally assumed that language is more strongly
correlated to genetics, as compared to social status or
geography, because humans mostly do not tend to cross
language boundaries while choosing marriage partners,"
Kashyap said.
"Although few of the earlier studies have shown that
language is a good predictor of genetic affinity and that Y
chromosome is more strongly correlated with linguistic
boundaries, it is not always so," he added.
"Language can be acquired [and] has been in cases of 'elite
dominance,' where adoption of a language can be forced but
strong genetic differences remain [because of] the lack of
admixture between the dominant and the weak populations."
If steppe-dwelling
Central Asians did lend language and technology, but not
many genes, to northern India, the region may have changed
far less over the centuries than previously believed.
"I think if you could get into a time machine and visit
northern India 10,000 years ago, you'd see people … similar
to the people there today," Underhill said. "They wouldn't
be similar to people from Bangalore [in the south]."
Commentary
This is the kind of
sloppy reporting that prints adhoc assumptions and then
presents them as facts , that makes it difficult to
accept such statements with equanimity. When mr. Underhill
says that 'Clearly
people came in to India and brought their culture, language,
and some genes.",I am simply floored. Why is it so clear .
Where is the evidence of such clarity. Just because there
are similarities in language , it does not necessarily
follow that there was a migration large or small scale into
India. For example the Normans came into England about a
thousand years ago but French has not survived as a language
in England. In fact it was the other way around. The Normans
(corruption for Norse men or Vikings ) first adopted French
when they settled in Northern France and lost their
Viking language and then they later adopted English when
they came and conquered England and lost their French. It is
always the conqueror who gets absorbed into the mainstream
of the land he conquers. Witness the case of the Mongols in
China or the case of the Moghals in India. In both cases the
conqueror is subjugated by the culture of the land he
conquers. The Mongols became Chinese speaking and the
Moghals ended up speaking Hindustani or Urdu. Bahadur Shah
the last of the Moghals wrote his poetry in Hindustani
but he would have been hard pressed to speak a
sentence of Chagatai ( a dialect of Turkish) that his
ancestor Babar spoke. This is also the case with prior
conquerors like the Kushans, who were completely Indianized
and many speculate transformed themselves into what was
later to be termed the Rajputs.
The only exception
perhaps to this is the prevalence of English in India , a
language that was obviously brought in by the English
invader. But the reasons for such an exception are not far
to seek. It took an extraordinary degree of coercion on the
part of the colonial overlord to make English stick in India
and even so , he could rarely converse with his domestic
staff in English, even after 150 years of absolute
autocratic rule and the imposition of English as the
official lingua franca of the Indian subcontinent . Even
today the percentage of English speakers in India remains
well below 10%. In order to replicate the feat of the
British in India , the ancient migrants would have had to be
highly persistent and tenacious to impose their will
on the million's of people already residing there.
All this merely indicates
that one has to be very cautious in extrapolating 19th and
20th century mores into those of an earlier era.
The simple fact of the
matter is that there is no mention of a migration in any of
the Itihasas of India. Surely if there was any significant
migration of a people who looked so different from the
native population would be chronicled extensively But the
reality is quite compelling there is not a single mention of
a migration in any of the Vedas or Puranas or Itihasas.
In fact the land and topography they describe an area
that is
remarkably similar in topography to that of present
day Punjab, Haryana, Uttaranchal and Kashmir and refer to
the subsequently dried up Saraswathi (present day
Ghagar,Hakra) in glowing terms at least 50 times as a
river flowing from the mountains to the sea.
The correct answer
-Whatever migrations occurred during the period of recorded
history (going back 8000 years} were inconsequential and had
negligible numbers to warrant the conclusion that there was
a large scale tectonic event enough to cause a change in the
language. There was neither a major change in the genetic
composition of the large mass of people in India (which was
a always a heavily populated country during the period of
recorded history that we are concerned with, nor was their a
significant influx of migrants to cause such a large tectonic
change as adoption of a completely different language.
There is one other point
to be made. When a group of people migrate from one
continent to another as in the case of the early immigrants
from England to America, the archaic form of the language is
left behind and the language that takes root in the new land
is one that is derived and a more recent version (in this
example American English). In the case of Sanskrit it is
without a doubt the most archaic among the languages of the
Indo-European languages including Old Persian. If that is
the case then why is there no evidence of an even more
archaic language than Sanskrit with an oral tradition
similar to that of Sanskrit anywhere else in the world. why
is there no other no other region in the world with a well
developed grammar such as that of Panini's Ashtadhyayi
anywhere else in the world except in Vedic India. Why is
there no evidence of anybody who could chant Sanskrit slokas
(verses) with the same facility that they were able to
muster in Vedic India. The conclusion is that the migration
theory(ies) into India simply do not make sense and do not
stand up to scrutiny
If there was no migration
into India, how did the commonality in phrases come about in
such a large group of languages spread over a significant
portion of the Eurasian land mass ? I have
my own deductions, but that will have to wait for another
day.
Invasion that never took place (Book Review, Pioneer,
September 26,2006
What NS Rajaram has done in this in-depth study is to hit a
mortal blow to the Aryan invasion conjecture, using
archaeology and pre-historic anthropology to establish the
ancient roots of Indic Civilization, writes MV Kamath
SARASWATI RIVER AND THE VEDIC CIVILIZATION, NS RAJARAM,
ADITYA PRAKASHAN, RS 300
One of the biggest lies ever propagated by our foreign
masters, the British, was that India was originally
inhabited by a "rabble of aboriginal savages" and that
civilization was brought to India by so-called Aryans who
invaded it from somewhere in Central Asia or Europe, while
another branch of the same people migrated westward towards
Europe to become ancestors of the modern Europeans.
This theory helped the British in two ways. In the first
place, they could divide Indians into two parts: Successors
to the so-called Aryans living in the north; and, the people
who originally lived in the north but were driven away from
their homes to migrate to the south (Dravidians). A
north-south divide was thus created. In the second place, it
gave the British a moral justification to rule India.
As a BBC report (October 6, 2005) puts it succinctly, "If
(the Aryan invasion theory) gave a historical precedent to
justify the role and status of the British raj, they could
argue that they were transforming India for the better in
the same way that the Aryans has done thousands of years
earlier." The idea mooted by the BBC had been propagated
decades ago by the British not only to justify their role as
conquerors but also give Indians a tremendous inferiority
complex.
In the House of Commons in 1929, when Britain was at the
height of its power, British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin
observed, "Now after ages... the two branches of the great
Aryan ancestry have again been brought together by
providence... By establishing British rule in India, God
said to the British, 'I have brought you and the Indians
together after a long separation... It is your duty to raise
them to their own level as quickly as possible... brothers
as you are."
The myth of an Aryan invasion of India may have been
originally propagated by a German-turned-Briton, Max
Mueller, but the theory went unchallenged for a long time.
For decades, Indians brought up under British rule accepted
the insult until scholars - more objective and inquiring -
began to look at Indian Civilization more scientifically and
come to clear conclusions that dispelled myth imposed on
Indians. One myth was that India had been invaded by Aryans.
The Aryan invasion theory was totally exposed as untrue.
This made it clear that everything associated with India -
whether in the realm of science, philosophy, language and
Civilization - was cent per cent Indians. It was proved
beyond doubt that the Harappan writing was more than a
thousand years older than the oldest West Asian writings,
that the Indian artist anticipated the Greek artist by more
than 2,000 years, that Indian intellectuals were the first
to conceive astronomy even earlier than the Greeks, that it
was India which originated the concept of zero and the
decimal system and that genetic evidence shows that the
people of India lived by themselves within the Indian
borders for tens of thousands of years and were not
foreigners to the Indian soil.
Conclusive scientific evidence has now been obtained to show
that there never has been such a people as an "Aryan race",
which is racist in conception. Besides, it is wrong to
connect the Indian caste system to the concept of Aryan
invasion that equated "upper caste'' Hindus genetically
closer to west Europeans than lower caste Hindus - a theory
not only unscientific, but also bordering on fabrication.
What NS Rajaram has done in this brilliant study is to hit a
mortal blow to the Aryan invasion theory, using archaeology
and pre-historic anthropology to push his argument through.
In this, of course, he had to bring in the history of the
river Saraswati and the origins of the Indus-Saraswati
Civilization that was in existence for more than a thousand
years before the supposed Aryan invasion.
What Western 'scholars' in their ignorance forget was that
there is a not a single mention of any alien invasion or
migration of 'Aryans' in ancient Indian literature; what has
been noted instead is migration of Indians out of India. In
other words, it was India that took Civilization to the west
and not the other way round. Western scholars could not
accept that the Sanskrit word 'Arya' merely meant 'noble'
and had no association with race. Rajaram quotes the
Sanskrit saying, Mahakula kulin arya sabhya sajjana sadhavah,
that meant "an arya is one who hails from a noble family, is
of gentle behaviour and demeanour, is good natured and of
righteous conduct''.
But where does the river Saraswati come in the picture? It
was alongside the river Saraswati that the great Harappan
Civilization prospered. The end of that age occurred around
2000 BC with the final drying up of the river. It was the
drying up of the river that caused the collapse of the
Harappan Civilization and not any invasion.
The Rig Vedic people were in India as early as 4000 BC. They
were not aliens and the decipherment of the Indus script
clearly shows that Vedic Sanskrit Indian Civilization was
more ancient than the Mesopotamian Civilization. This has
been proved by recent finds of underwater settlements in
Gujarat and Tamil Nadu dating to before 7000 BC.
The falsity of an Aryan invasion has been exposed before -
as in 1993 by S Talgeri - but Rajaram has produced fresh
evidence that is unchallengeable. It was not the so-called
Aryans who brought Civilization to India but it was the
Indian who took Civilization to the West.
The Vedic people were a maritime people who lived in the
enormous riverine delta and it is now a scientific fact that
biological connections between South-East Asia and India are
much closer than that of India and central Asia or Europe.
Also, Vedic India has a strong maritime component and recent
research has shown that Indian cotton was exported to south
and central America going back to 2000 BC. It was not
Columbus who discovered a sea route to America but the
Yadavs who excelled in boat building and navigational
skills. Those are recent findings, scientifically proved.
Rajaram, in the circumstances, gives us a wholly now picture
of ancient Vedic India that places his work in a class of
its own, unsurpassed as of now, but made possible by recent
scientific and historical discoveries. "Let us make the
whole world aryan," says the Rig Veda. And it is about time,
too.
AIT Debate in Bharat Rakshak (4 years ago)
Excerpts from the thread. The complete thread is
available at http://vepa.us/dir8/
References to the
sea apparently appear
That is a nice qualifier. Because in many
of the verses quoted by Kaushal from
Sethna's book both sindhu and samudra have
been used.
I-46-2 -- sindhu mAtarA --
rmà"w bt;ht
| sindhu = either river or sea and mAtara =
mother. This verse describes Ashwins as sons
of the sea i.e they were born or they came
out of a sea every morning.
I-163-1 -- udyant samudrAduta --
W'àÀmbwŠt=w;
| The same after breaking up becomes:
W'à;T +
mbwŠt;T + W; which respectivley mean
rising (as in the morning)+ from the sea +
up.
Since the Ashwins and the sun are
intimate to one another, it makes more sense
to interpret the word sindhu in I-46-2 as
describing a sea rather than the river
Sindhu in the light of I-163-1.
Two seas are mentioned frequently
together in the context of the sun residing
in both i.e. rising from one in the morning
and retiring in the other in the evening.
The following verse makes it clear:
The above is further qualified by the
mentions in VII-6-7 (ref.: Sethna's book)
VII-6-7 -- aasamudrAdavarAda parasmAt --
ytmbwŠt=Jht=t
vhôbt;T | After breaking up it
becomes (IMO):
yt + mbwŠt;T
+ yJht=t + vhôbt;T, which
respectivley mean: or + from the sea +
near/this + from the other/far.
in association with in the same verse,
from heaven or earth:
VII-6-7 -- diva aa prithivyAhA --
r=J yt
v]r:Ôgt& | diva = heaven; aa = or;
prithivyAhA = from the earth
VIII-26-17 -- yad ado divo arNava iSHo vA
madatho grhe --
g=T y=tu r=Jtu
yKoJ RMtu Jt b=:tu d]nu | The
word divo meaning heaven before arNava
meaning sea, could mean some sort of sea in
the heaven. Hence I am not too sure about
it. But the important thing is the use of
the synonym arNava for sea.
[This message has been edited by VRaghav
(edited 14-10-2000).]
12. Rig Veda VII.95.2. This is in a hymn
of the rishi Vasishta who has the greatest
number of hymns in the Rig Veda.
13. Studies from the Post-Graduate
Research Institute of Deccan College, Pune,
and the Central Arid Zone Research Institute
(CAZRI), Jodhpur. Confirmed by use of MSS
(multi-spectoral scanner) and Landsat
satellite photography. Note MLBD NEWSLETTER
(Delhi, India: Motilal Banarsidass), Nov.
1989.
Note also Sriram Sathe, BHARATIYA
HISTORIOGRAPHY (Hyderabad, India: Bharatiya
Itihasa Sankalana Samiti, 1989, pp. 11-13.
14. David Frawley, GODS, SAGES AND KINGS:
Vedic Secrets of Ancient Civilization. Salt
Lake City, Utah: Passage Press 1991/ Delhi,
India: Motilal Banarsidass 1993.
15. R. Griffith, THE HYMNS OF THE RIG
VEDA (Delhi, India: Motilal Banarsidass,
1976).
The
best mentioned geographical features in the
Rg are the rivers, many of which have been
called by special names.
1. In one verse the rSHi Agastya speaks
of ninety-nine rivers and claims to have
secured all their names. But he does not
mention them, nor are they enumerated
anywhere else. The verse is as follows:
4. In certain other verses, the rSHis
speak of twenty-one rivers, but they do not
supply the names of all of them:
I-34-8 --
rºthrëJlt rmà"wrC& mË;bt;]rC&
IX-86-21 --
rmà"wÇgtu rºt&
mË;
5. The most frequently used term is
however, the 'Seven Rivers':
I-32-12 --
mË; rmà"qlT
I-71-7 --
mË; gñJe&
I-164-3 --
mË; ôJmth&, mË; Jnrà; etc.
It would thus appear that among the
ninety-nine rivers, twenty-one were fairly
large and seven were main. It is on account
od this that the country had been called
'Sapta Saindhava' --
mË; mià"J
(Avestic Hapta Hendava). One would be
tempted to jump the gun here and identify
the seven rivers as the present five rivers
of the modern day Punjab and the Indus and
the Sarasvati.
Bhargava says that people obsessed too
much with AIT are unable to conceive that
the now very insignificant Sarasvati could
ever have been big enough to deserve the
honour of being one of the Sapta Sindhus. He
says that had they cared to know the size of
the Sarasvati either from the Mahabharata or
the old beds of the river itself, they
probably would have realised how palpably
wrong they were.
Now to the main rivers of the Sapta
Saindhava:
A verse shows the VitastA (the Jhelum)
and the AsiknI (the modern Aik(?)) as the
tributaries of the MarudvrdhA (the Chenab)
and the ParuSHNI (the Ravi) as that of the
ShutudrI (the Satluj). The Bias (Rgvedic
VipAs) is not at all mentioned in that
verse. Thus out of the modern five large
rivers of the Punjab, three viz. the Bias,
the Ravi and the Jhelum were not the main
rivers but mere tributaries.
Translation: O! Ganga, O! Yamuna, O!
Sarasvati, O! ShutudrI with the ParuSHNI
accept my laud. O! MarudvrdhA with the
AsiknI and the VitastA and O! AarjIkIyA with
the SushomA listen. The verse following this
i.e. X-75-6 is addressed to the Sindhu (ÀJk
rmà"tu ), which is described as as
going forward to unite with several other
rivers one after another.
Hence the main rivers of the Sapta
Saindhava were the Ganga, the Yamuna, the
SarasvatI, the ShutudrI (Satluj), MarudvrdhA
(Chenab), AarjIkIyA (?) and the Sindhu
(Indus).
Before proceeding to
the verses which refer to the Sarasvati river, I thought it
might not be a bad idea to quote some verses which point
towards other geographical features in the Sapta Saindhava
region viz. the desert.
1. The Rg speaks of deserts ("àJ)
in plural number. One verse speaks of three desert regions
indicating that there were three deserts in the country:
I-35-8 -- ºte "àJ gtuslt
2. There are references like passing over deserts:
III-45-1 -- "àJuJ ;tâ Rrn
3. Parjanya made the deserts passable:
V-83-10 -- yfU"okàJtàgÀgu;Jt
W
4. Like water brought to a man in the desert:
VI-34-4 -- slk l "àJàlrCmk g=tv&
5. Overcame by thrist in the desert:
IX-79-3 -- "àJàl ;]íKt mbhe;
6. Bless us in paths and deserts:
X-63-5 -- ôJrô; l& vÚgtmw "àJmw
7. How many leagues in the desert?:
X-86-20 -- "àJ a gÀf]à;ºtk a
fUr; rôJútt rJ gtuslt
8. In a verse rivers are said to cut their paths
through the deserts:
V-45-2 -- "kJKokmtu l‘& Ft=tuyKto&
9. There are expressions like deserts got flooded and
water flowed:
IV-17-2 -- yt=oà"àJtrl mhgà;
ytv&
12. Plants spread over deserts:
IV-33-7 -- "àJtr;²àltuM"e&
etc.
The above references show that there were deserts in the
Sapta Saindhava which were passable and in fact were crossed
frequently by men. Also some verses allude to rivers
meandering through the deserts and good rainfall occurring
over them, which sort of corroborates with the
life-sustainable semi-arid or temperate climate which
geologists predict to have been enjoyed by the people of the
Sapta Saindhava.
[This message has been edited by VRaghav (edited
17-11-2000).]
Distinguished British anthropologist
Edmund Leach is quoted as saying,
>Why do serious scholars persist in
believing in the Aryan invasions?... Why is
this sort of thing attractive? Who finds it
attractive? Why has the development of early
Sanskrit come to be so dogmatically
associated with an Aryan invasion?...
Where the Indo-European philologists are
concerned, the invasion argument is tied in
with their assumption that if a particular
language is identified as having been used
in a particular locality at a particular
time, no attention need be paid to what was
there before; the slate is wiped clean.
Obviously, the easiest way to imagine this
happening in real life is to have a military
conquest that obliterates the previously
existing population!
The details of the theory fit in with
this racist framework... Because of their
commitment to a unilineal segmentary history
of language development that needed to be
mapped onto the ground, the philologists
took it for granted that proto-Indo-Iranian
was a language that had originated outside
either India or Iran. Hence it followed that
the text of the Rig Veda was in a language
that was actually spoken by those who
introduced this earliest form of Sanskrit
into India. From this we derived the myth of
the Aryan invasions. QED.
Jim Shaffer and Diane Lichtenstein,
perhaps the foremost modern scholars of
Indian prehistory, write in a recent essay:
>The South Asian archaeological record
reviewed here does not support ... any
version of the migration/invasion
hypothesis. Rather, the physical
distribution of sites and artifacts,
stratigraphic data, radiometric dates, and
geological data can account for the Vedic
oral tradition describing an internal
cultural discontinuity of indigenous
population movement.
K
Sateesh. I am still a
student and have a long
distance to traverse before
I can get my PhD in the
field I am pursuing my
research. I am also a
student when it comes to AIT
and the Rg. In fact I am
baffled everytime I go
through the information
heaped by Kaushal or some
other sources outside of BR.
I feel happy to have
stumbled upon the Bhargava
book in my school library
and BR ofcourse through
which I am able to answer
many 'axioms' that I have
come across as a child, like
Sarasvati still flows
under-ground; legends from
the Mahabharata and the
disappearance of Dwaraka
city under the sea etc. Now
I know I don't have to
'bluff' my niece and nephew
with such myths anymore. And
it's all been possible only
because I am in good company
i.e. Satsangati of BRites. I
am reminded of another of
Bhartrhari's padya
glorifying Satsangati:
It rids away (harati) the
weeds (jADyam) from the mind
(dhiyo); irrigates (sinchati)
the speech (vAchi) with
truth (satyam)|
Enhances the status (mAna
unnatim); keeps away (apAkaroti)
from bad deeds (pApam)| |
Gladdens (prasAdayati)
the heart (chetaha); spreads
(tanoti) fame (keertim) all
around (dikshu)|
Pray tell (kathaya) what (kim)
does good company (satsangati)
not (na) do (karoti) to
human beings (pumsAm)| |
I was reading Rajaram's
review of Talageri's book
The Aryan Invasion Theory, a
Reappraisal last night.
I was struck by the
following observations of
Rajaram:
As Talageri observes:
... the joint testimony of
the Rig Veda and the Puranas
provides incontrovertible
evidence that there were
these dynasties ... during,
and even before, the
composition of the majority
of the hymns of the Rig
Veda: and that the
movement of these dynasties
took place from east to west
and not vice versa. (p.
297; emphasis added)
In the light of the above
and with what Bhargava says
"I shall discuss them (the
rivers) from sout-east to
north-west as far as
possible keeping in-line
with the practice of the
rSHis", one of the earlier
posts can be examined:
Going back to the post
(12-11-2000, 15.25 hrs)
where I have posted the
verse X-75-5, which
describes the seven main
rivers of the Sapta
Saindhava, one can find that
the verse starts with not an
important river of the Rg
i.e. Ganga (then Yamuna,
Sarasvati, Shutudri i.e
Satluj, MarudvrdhA i.e
Chenab, ArjIkIya i.e HAro)
and ends with the Indus in
the direction going from
east to west. It can be
better understood with this
picture --
http://sarasvati.simplenet.com/vedicsaras1.jpg
It is most interesting to
note the rSHis giving an
overview of the rivers first
and then going on to praise
the rivers most dear to them
in separate hymns. This
organized fashion of
arranging the rivers in the
Rg puts Sarasvati firmly
between the Ganga valley in
the east and the Indus
valley in the west. The
cherry on top of this icing
is the LandSat image which
proves the existence of the
Paleo channel of the river.
So much for the
"fundamentalist argument",
and some insignificant
Harqvati of Afghanistan
which I came across in the
thread started by Spinster.
Now, the next best thing
that I ought to do is to buy
Talageri's book.
Kaushal, thanks. While I
(read Dr. Kak) am (is) in
the quest for Godavari in
the Rg, I think I am ready
to quote the verses
concerning Sarasvati from
the Rg.
1. One verse describes
Sarasvati as swelled by many
rivers:
VI-52-6 --
mhôJ;e rmà"wrC& rvàJbtlt >
denoting that it had several
tributaries.
2. Another verse
(VI-61-12) speaks of it as
having three origins or
sources (rºtM"ô:t
>) and bearing or
receiving the waters of
seven rivers (mË;"t;w&
>)
3. Still another verse
describes it as the seventh
and the mother of rivers:
VII-36-6 --
mhôJ;e mË;:e rmà"wbt;t >
The description probably
means that the Sarasvati was
the main out of the seven
rivers; the other six were
like her children coming to
her. At this point, it
should be quite clear that
we are talking about
Sarasvati and her
tributaries and affluents
and NOT the Sapta Sindhus.
IOW, and to be more precise,
we are talking about 'Sapta
SArasvata' i.e. the seven
Sarasvatis or the seven
tributaries of the main
Sarasvati. The tributaries
have also been called 'seven
sisters' --
mË; ôJmt in VI-61-10.
4. Yet another verse
speaks of Sarasvati and
seven rivers:
VIII-54-4 --
mhôJÀgJà;w mË; rmà"J& >
The Sarasvati, according
to Bhargava, "would thus
appear to be formed higher
up by three main affluents;
then by seven streams (i.e.
six others, probably
including the above three
and main Sarasvati as the
seventh) and to have seven
other sister rivers, running
more or less parallel to it
for a comparatively longer
course, and then, either
joining it or falling into
the sea directly." Thus he
says "there were in total 14
streams."
From here, he has gone
much further to explain the
rivers in the Sarasvati
basin (he claims to have
studied about 40 streams in
the basin of that river). He
also has put in great effort
to especially identify the
seven sisters of Sarasvati.
To what extent it is
correct, I really can not
say. However, the seven
rivers in the basin of the
Sarasvati (i.e the 3
affluents in its upper
course and others including
the main Sarasvati as the
seventh) can be seen in this
picture (IMO) --
http://sarasvati.simplenet.com/vedicsaras1.jpg
Some scholars like
Zimmer, Griffith have
doubted the identity of the
Sarasvati. They have tried
to interpret her and the
Indus as one and the same
river.
5. But Bhargava quotes
verses where both the
Sarasvati and the Sindhu
have been mentioned side by
side with the Sarayu
intervening between them.
They have been described as
large rivers with huge
waves:
X-64-9 --
QLbrCbontu bnehJmt >
Also others like X-75-5 and
X-75-6 which I have quoted
in my earlier posts mention
the Sindhu and the Sarasvati
side by side.
6. Sarasvati has been
described as a mighty river
running direct from hills to
the sea:
VII-95-2 --
Nwragor; rdrhÇg yt mbwŠt;T >
7. One verse calls it a
mighty stream:
I-3-11 --
bntu yKo& >
8. In another verse it is
said to have swept away a
ridge of hills with its
mighty waves just as one
digs out stems of the Lotus
plant:
VI-61-2 --
Rgk mwíburCcomFtRJth¥sÀmtlw
rdheKtk ;rJMurCÁLbrC& >
9. One more verse speaks
of its unlimited and
unbroken floods moving
swiftly with a rapid rush
and thundering roar:
Vi-61-8 --
gôgt ylà;tu
yñh¥;ôÀJuMëarhíKwhKoJ& >
ybëahr; htuh¥J;T >>
10. Yet another verse
speaks of it as filling the
earth and the wide regions
of the heavens with its
roar:
VI-61-11 --
ytvŒwMe vtL:Jtàgwh¥hstu
yà;rhGbT mhôJ;e rl=ôvt;w >>
11. Still another one
calls it the mightiest of
the mighty streams and the
most rapid among rapid
streams:
VI-61-13 --
brnölt brnltmw and
yvmtbvô;bt >
respectively.
12. According to one
verse, it surpassed all
other rivers in greatness:
VII-95-1 --
rJëJt yvtu brnlt rmà"whàgt&
>
13. While in another it
is described as the broadest
river:
VII-96-1 --
J]n=w dtrgMu >
From the above it is
clear that Sarasvati has
been devoted one full hymn
(i.e. VI-61) even though
while the Sindhu was known
to be the largest river of
the country (as in X-75-5
and X-75-6).
14. It is diefied and in
one verse has been described
as the inspirer of good
songs and inciter of good
thoughts:
I-3-11 --
atu=rgºte mql];tltk au;à;e
mwb;eltbT >>
15. In the verse just
following it, she is said to
generate and illuminate with
her light and intelligence:
I-3-12 --
Œ au;gr; fUu;wlt r"gtu rJëJt
>
Bhargava says "If these
verses have any meaning, it
is that a good many hymns of
the Rg were composed on her
banks."
16. She is the best of
mothers, the best of rivers
and the best of devis:
II-41-16 --
yröc;bu l=e;bu =urJ;bu >
17. In still another
verse it is addressed as the
dearest of dear streams:
VI-61-10 --
rŒgt rŒgtmw >
18. She is prayed not to
spurn the rSHis and not to
let them go away from her
fields to places not lovely
(like them):
VI-61-14 --
btvôVUhe& vgmt bt l yt"fUT >
swMôJ l& mÏgt Juëgt a bt
ÀJÀGuºttãghKtrl >>
Bhargava again:
"Sentiments like these would
be meaningless unless the
Sarasvati valley was the
original home of the Rgvedic
Aryas."
19. She is the sure
defence like a fort of iron:
VII-95-1 --
ytgmevw& >
20. She is said to have
given milk and butter to
NahuSHa:
VII-95-2 --
D];k vgtu =w=wnu ltýMtg >
21. The PUrus are said to
live on the banks of the
Sarasvati:
VII-96-2 --
yr"rGgrà; vqhJ& >
Bhargava avers "I hope it
is quite clear that by now
that the Sarasvati was the
most important and one of
the largest rivers of the
Sapta Saindhava and that it
was in the valley of this
river and its seven sisters
that the Rgvedic culture and
religion originated and
developed and then spread to
other parts of the country
including the valley of the
Indus itself" (i.e. towards
the west as Talageri
asserts).
[This message has been
edited by VRaghav (edited
04-12-2000).]
Witzel's philology
Witzel has removed the Rigvedic
Aryans from all but the
corner of north India
according to his
philological conclusions.
Though the Rigveda mentions
samudra, the common
Sanskrit term for ocean over
150 times, as the goal of
all rivers, as endless in
extent and as containing
great waves, Witzel will not
credit them with knowing the
ocean because according to
him they didn't portray
samudra with the correct
salt content!
Though the Rigveda is
centered on a great river
called Sarasvati located
between the Yamuna and
Sutlej (Shutudri) that flows
to the sea, Witzel would
turn the real Saraswati into
a small runoff stream in
Afghanistan. That the Indian
Sarasvati is the site of the
great majority of Harappan
ruins doesn't count for him
either.
While Witzel denied that there was any monsoon mentioned in the Rigveda,
when I showed him
references, he conveniently
placed this Vedic monsoon in
the Caspian Sea. He has also
located great Vedic sages
like Vasishta and Agastya in
Afghanistan and nearby Iran,
though people in these
regions seem to have no
record of them or their
teachings.
Vanishing Dravidians
What does Witzel think happened in ancient India instead? According to
Witzel, the Harappans were a
Para-Munda people related to
the current aborigines of
the country. It was they who
produced the great cities
and the seals of the Indus
Civilization, neither Aryans
nor Dravidians who were both
intruders from Central Asia.
To quote a long article of his on this subject, "The language of the
pre-Rigvedic Indus
Civilization, at least in
the Panjab, was of a (Para-)
Austro-Asiatic nature (Early
Sources for South Asian
Substrate Languages by
Michael Witzel, Mother
Tongue, Special Issue, Oct.
1999, pg. 17)." He further
claims that "This means
Haryana and Uttar Pradesh
once had a Para-Munda
population that was
acculturated by the
Indo-Aryans" (p.46). Note
the former barbaric invading
Aryan hordes have now been
reduced to clever
perpetrators of `acculturalisation.'
How does Witzel know all this? Has he produced any decipherment of the
Indus seals? No, he hasn't
dared to. Has he found any
ancient Munda records of
this type? They are no
ancient Munda records of any
type. Are his conclusions
based upon skeletal remains?
No, it all based on his
philology.
As aboriginal people, the Mundas have no written records or recorded
history. Where they came
from and what they spoke in
the Harappan era is quite
speculative. Such problems
don't bother Witzel. His
philology can reconstruct
unrecorded languages over a
period of five thousand
years and can override what
geology or archaeology might
otherwise indicate. With his
Munda Harappa, Witzel has
the Dravidians entering into
Sindh from Iran about the
same period as he has the
Vedic Aryans coming into the
Panjab from Afghanistan (c.
1500 BCE). Like the Vedic
Aryans he deems them to be
illiterate semi-nomads. "The
Dravida entered South Asia
from the Iranian highlands.
Their oldest vocabulary (Southworth
and McAlpin) is that of a
semi-nomadic, pastoral
group, not of an
agricultural community" (pg.
27). Later he states,
"Dravidians were not a
primary factor in the
population of the Indus
Civilization," and "the
Dravidians apparently were
just as foreign to Sindh and
its agriculture as the
Indo-Aryans to the Panjab"
(pg. 37, note this entire
section on Dravidian
Immigration). He claims the
evidence for this is all in
the philology, mainly from
reconstructing proposed
Dravidian and Munda loan
words in Vedic texts.
Yes, in the Witzel world it was the aborigines that produced the great
Civilization of ancient
India and both the Aryans
and Dravidians were later
uncivilised immigrants from
Central Asia who conquered
them, stole their culture,
replaced their languages and
gave them no credit! He has
the Dravidians supplanting
the Harappan people in Sindh
just as the Aryans
supplanted them in Punjab.
From there he has the
Dravidians migrate south,
while the Aryans mainly went
east, both remarkably
preserving their own
languages and becoming the
dominant peoples of their
areas, though originally
just small groups of
illiterate nomadic migrants!
Not content with one Aryan invasion/migration, Witzel requires a second
Dravidian invasion/migration
to go along with it! In a
non-published proposal of
his, he even says that the
Munda languages also came to
India from S.E. Asia! It
seems that anywhere in the
world but India can produce
languages or peoples.
While these aborigines produced the great Harappan cities and lost all
remembrance of their
literature and Civilization,
he allows the great Vedic
literature no real
Civilization of its own. The
Dravidians fare no better.
Their Sangam literature is
later and by his account
even more suspect than the
Vedas.
Witzel quotes favorably a statement at the beginning of this rather long
article about India's role
as "the cultural diffusion
cul-de-sac of Asia" (p.1),
an idea that has "kept me
occupied on and off over the
past few years." This sums
up Witzel's view of Indian
Civilization — it is the
cultural backwater and dead
end of Asia, where wandering
nomads can go no further,
with no real Civilization of
its own.
Not surprisingly Witzel has little appreciation for the Vedas, Vedanta,
Yoga, Buddhism or anything
else India has produced. His
extensive bibliographies on
ancient India seldom refer
to any Indian scholars, and
certainly avoid mentioning
any yogis like Aurobindo who
have different views. You
would never find Witzel
chanting Om, practicing Yoga
or in any other way honoring
the great traditions of the
region. His anti-India views
reflect those of the
colonial era which he is
continuing. For this reason
Witzel is mainly honored by
Marxists in India whose
political agenda favors
rejecting anything great not
only in the Vedas but in
Indian Civilization as a
whole, which many Marxists
following Marx himself see
as an invention of the
British. However, no one who
really studies and loves the
Vedas will be fooled by such
theatrics. There is much
more to the Vedas than
Witzel's philology. For my
more detailed response to
Witzel, please note the web
site,
The Riddle of India’s
Ancient Past
An Overview of the Aryan
Problem
By Michel Danino
A revised version of a paper
presented at a seminar on
Value Education
organized by the Chinmaya
Mission at Coimbatore on
February 4-5, 1999.
I have been asked to speak a
few words on India’s ancient
past, a subject which ought
to be of interest to every
Indian, and especially to
teachers, since students
should be naturally curious
to know the remotest origins
of their country. The birth
of Indian Civilization is a
subject I have been studying
for some time, first of all
because I find it
fascinating: to explore the
roots of a great and living
civilization spanning over
6,000 years is something we
can probably do only in
India, since all other
ancient Civilizations have
long disappeared. There is,
however, another reason for
my interest, and that will
be the focus of this brief
presentation; it is the
so-called Aryan problem.
As you all know, what our
history textbooks today
teach is still basically the
theory of a few
nineteenth-century European
scholars (including the
famous Max Müller).
According to them, around
1500 B.C., hordes of
semi-barbarian, pastoral
nomads, the so-called
“Aryans,” poured out of
Central Asia into Northwest
India, and drove south the
ancestors of today’s
Dravidians; then, over a few
centuries, they composed the
Vedas, gradually got their
“Aryan” culture (with its
language, Sanskrit) to
spread all over India, and
eventually built the mighty
Ganges Civilization. This,
with some variations, is
still today what the
school-going child is
taught. Not only textbooks,
even respectable
dictionaries and encyclopaedias will tell you
more or less the same thing.
So at first sight, there
would seem to be little
scope for differing views on
the matter. Yet there are
widely differing views, even
a raging debate—and it rages
not only in India but in
Western universities and
among eminent scholars and
archaeologists. As a matter
of fact, many of them have
in recent years called for a
new look at the established
theory. In India that
includes reputed
archaeologists such as B. B.
Lal, Dilip Chakrabarti, S.
R. Rao, V. N. Misra, J. P.
Joshi, S. P. Gupta, R. S.
Bisht, K. M. Srivastava,
Madhav Acharya, etc.; in the
West, Jim Shaffer, J. M.
Keyoner, G. F. Dales, Colin
Renfrew, J.-F. Jarrige, K.
A. R. Kennedy and many
others. They are joined by
scholars from various
fields, such as David
Frawley, Koenraad Elst, N.
S. Rajaram, Subhash Kak,
Klaus Klostermaier, K. D.
Sethna, A. K. Biswas,
Shrikant Talageri, Bhagwan
Singh, etc. All of them
agree that archaeological
evidence entirely fails to
support the Aryan invasion
theory and actually goes
against it; many of them
also find the linguistic
evidence that was used to
buttress it quite shaky. But
this debate, as we shall
see, is by no means limited
to the academic world; it is
not a dry scholarly matter,
and it has far-reaching
repercussions on today’s
India, especially where her
unity is concerned.
I have studied the question
not only from an
archaeological point of
view, but also taking into
account the views of great
Indians such as Swami
Vivekananda, Sri Aurobindo
and several others (my
starting point was in fact
Sri Aurobindo’s own research
into the Veda[1]). For it is
a vast subject which touches
not only on archaeology and
linguistics, not only on
astronomy, ancient
mathematics, geology,
metallurgy, even ecology,
but also on Indian
Scriptures, culture and
tradition. A few years ago,
I summarized some important
points in a small book.[2]
Today, however, I will limit
myself to a few main lines
of argument which, to my
mind, are sufficient to show
that the “new school” of
archaeologists and scholars
is right in calling for a
radical review of India’s
remote past.
At the center of the riddle
of India’s ancient past lies
the famous Indus Valley (or
Harappan) Civilization, one
of the world’s oldest. It
was certainly the most
extensive by far, since it
covered today’s Punjab,
Haryana, Gujarat, much of
Rajasthan, Maharashtra and
Kashmir, western Uttar
Pradesh, the whole of
Pakistan, even parts of
Afghanistan ; it was also
one of the most
sophisticated in terms of
urbanization, industry,
technology, trade and
sailing. Its art and crafts
were varied and refined,
though much less abundant
than in contemporary Egypt
or Mesopotamia. However, its
hallmarks were a remarkably
peaceful civic organization
based on cultural
integration, and the care it
bestowed on its humblest
inhabitants. Its sanitation
and water management, for
instance, were of such a
level that one wishes our
municipal corporations would
follow them today. In its
fully developed phase (the
“mature phase,” as
archaeologists call it), it
lasted from about 2600 to
about 1900 B.C. ; its early
phase dates back to at least
3500 B.C. (J. M. Kenoyer
opts for 5000 B.C.). A few
sites, such as Mehrgarh,
even show a continuity of
preceding cultures going
back to 7000 BC. So far,
over 2,600 sites have been
identified, over half of
them in India, with 700
along the dry bed of a
mighty river to which we
will soon return. While the
best-known cities, Mohenjo-daro
(on the Indus river) and
Harappa (on the Ravi), now
lie in Pakistan, Indian
archaeologists have since
Independence unearthed a
number of important
settlements, such as
Dholavira and Lothal in
Gujarat, Kalibangan in
Rajasthan, Rakhigarhi and
Banawali in Haryana.
When this Civilization was
discovered in the 1920s, the
attempt was naturally to fit
it into the accepted
framework. It was therefore
assumed that its inhabitants
were Dravidians, that the
invading Aryans destroyed
its great cities, and that
the surviving Dravidians
fled south for refuge. But
today, no one (except our
textbook writers perhaps)
takes this assumption
seriously, since there is no
evidence on the ground to
corroborate it.
Archaeologists, whatever
their school of thought,
whether Indian or Western,
agree at least on these
three point :
First, as surprising as it
may seem, there is no
physical trace whatsoever of
any invaders, Aryan or
other, from the Northwest or
elsewhere, and no findings
have been made which could
be associated with an Aryan
people coming into
India—neither pottery nor
utensils nor tools nor
weapons nor graves nor any
form of art. It is hard to
imagine how a people
supposed to have conquered
the subcontinent failed to
leave the slightest physical
trace! Not only that, there
is also no trace of any
major conflict in any of the
cities, and no evidence of
any southward population
movement ; the only clear
movement, about the end of
the Harappan Civilization,
is eastward and more
precisely towards the Gangetic basin. B. B. Lal,
former director-general of
the Archaeological Survey of
India, observes,
The supporters of the Aryan
invasion theory have not
been able to cite even a
single example where there
is evidence of “invaders,”
represented either by
weapons of warfare or even
by cultural remains left by
them.[3]
J. M. Kenoyer, who is still
pursuing excavations at
Harappa, is even more
categorical :
There is no archaeological
or biological evidence for
invasions or mass migrations
into the Indus Valley
between the end of the
Harappan Phase, about 1900
B.C. and the beginning of
the Early Historic period
around 600 B.C.[4]
Second, experts analyzing
the skeletons found in
Harappan cities (especially
in Sindh, Punjab and
Gujarat) concluded that the
physical traits of their
inhabitants were not
markedly different from
those of the populations
found today in the same
regions. There is no sign of
any sudden disruption in
population patterns, only
the gradual changes that one
would expect to take place
naturally over the
centuries. Kenneth A. R.
Kennedy, biological
anthropologist at Cornell
University, U.S.A., who has
worked extensively on
Harappan sites to study
human skeletal remains,
concludes unambiguously:
Biological anthropologists
remain unable to lend
support to any of the
theories concerning an Aryan
biological or demographic
entity.... What the
biological data demonstrate
is that no exotic races are
apparent from laboratory
studies of human remains
excavated from any
archaeological sites,
including those accorded
Aryan status [by the old
school]. All prehistoric
human remains recovered thus
far from the Indian
subcontinent are
phenotypically identifiable
as ancient South Asians....
In short, there is no
evidence of demographic
disruptions in the
north-western sector of the
subcontinent during and
immediately after the
decline of the Harappan
culture.[5]
Third, as mentioned earlier,
the highest concentration of
Harappan settlements is
found along a huge and now
dry river, which follows
with some precision (though
more to the North) the
traditional Sarasvati, and
once flowed across Punjab,
Haryana, Rajasthan, Sindh
and Gujarat, joining the
Arabian sea in Kutch. Its
exact course has been
plotted by geologists and
confirmed by satellite
photography; the Bhabha
Atomic Research Centre has
even found that in parts of
Rajasthan, “in extreme
desert conditions,” the
water of the Sarasvati
“remains available at a
depth of fifty to sixty
metres,” and radiocarbon
measurements of some water
samples have shown them to
“range from 2400 to 7400
Before Present,” with “no
modern recharge
discernible.”[6] Today,
scientists agree that this
river, whose bed was three
to ten kilometres wide,
could only have been the
ancient Sarasvati—the same
river that is often praised
in the hymns in the
Rig-Veda. (This
identification is accepted
by most archaeologists, for
instance Kenoyer, Raymond
and Bridget Allchin, G. L.
Possehl or D. P. Agrawal.)
But it so happens that this
river dried up in stages,
and its final disappearance
has been scientifically
dated to about 2000 B.C.
Then why did the supposed
Aryans, who are said to have
invaded India five hundred
years later and to have
composed the Rig-Veda still
later, lavish so much praise
on a long dried-up river? It
stands to reason that the
composers of the Vedic hymns
lived near the Sarasvati
while it was still in full
flow, and that again fits
perfectly well with the
Harappan era.
In addition, had Dravidians
fled to the South as was
supposed, many scholars have
asked why they should have
forgotten the famous Indus
script on the way, so that
no trace of it is found in
Southern India, and the
oldest extant Tamil
inscriptions had to wait
another two thousand years,
that too in the Brahmi
script? Similarly, nowhere
do we find in the South
artefacts associated with
Harappan culture, much less
any trace of the urban
skills found in Indus
cities—in fact urbanization
in the South grew only from
the third century B.C.,
probably under Mauryan and
Roman influences.
Finally, it is increasingly
recognized that there are
strong links between the
Veda and the Harappan
culture: We find statues and
seals depicting yogis and
yogic postures, we find a
Shiva-like deity, worship of
a mother-goddess, fire
altars, all of which are
suggestive of Vedic culture.
Harappan symbols include the
trishul, the svastika, the
conch shell (also used as a
trumpet), the pipal tree,
all of which are central to
later Indian culture. The
Rig-Veda itself is full of
references to fortified
cities and towns, to oceans,
sailing, trade and industry,
all of which are found in
the Harappan Civilization.
Studying Harappan
town-planning, R. S. Bisht,
director at the
Archaeological Survey of
India and excavator of the
well-known site of Dholavira
in the Rann of Kutch, finds
that city “a virtual reality
of what the Rig-Veda, the
world’s oldest literary
record, describes.”[7] S. P.
Gupta, chairman of the
Indian Archaeological
Society, agrees : “Our
analysis shows that [. . .]
the Indus-Sarasvati
Civilization reflects the
Vedic literature.”[8]
So it is clear that
objective data repudiate the
old invasion theory.
Archaeology completely fails
to support the existence and
arrival into India of any
supposed Aryan people. On
the other hand, there is
much evidence to suggest
that from a cultural point
of view the Harappan
Civilization had a Vedic
backdrop, which would make
the Rig-Veda at least 5,000
years old.
Of course, many questions
remain. (I am leaving out
here the linguistic
question, which is briefly
discussed in The Invasion
That Never Was.) For
instance, what about the
mysterious Indus script
found on thousands of seals?
The fact is that several
scholars worked for decades
trying to show that the
language behind the script
was some form of
proto-Dravidian, but without
any conclusive success at
deciphering it. Most of them
have now abandoned their
attempt. Other scholars
(such as S. R. Rao or N.
Jha) worked on the opposite
line, trying to show that
the language was some form
of Sanskrit, but their
decipherments have not
received general acceptance
either. Only the discovery
of a bilingual inscription,
or a sufficiently long one
(since most of the
inscriptions on the seals
are very brief) could clinch
the issue.
So that is, briefly, what
science has to tell us. One
question that has interested
me a good deal is : What
does Indian tradition have
to tell us on the same
subject? Does it agree with
science, or does it support
the old Aryan theory? Does
it also support the division
between Aryans and
Dravidians which comes as a
result of the theory? The
answer leaves no room to
ambiguity: No Indian
scripture makes any mention
of an invasion from the
Northwest or of a previous
homeland outside India. In
fact, the Vedic homeland
most frequently referred to
in the Rig-Veda is
Saptasindhu, in other words,
the Indus and Sarasvati
basins, which is exactly
where the Harappan
Civilization flourished. Let
me quote here Swami
Vivekananda :
There is not one word in our
scriptures, not one, to
prove that the Aryans ever
came from anywhere outside
India.... The whole of India
is Aryan, nothing else.[9]
Some may say that this
concerns the tradition of
North India only. So let us
take a look at the South. In
the Sangam literature, we
find the legendary origin of
the Tamilians not in the
North, but further South, in
a now submerged island or
continent called Kumari
Kandam. This may be an
embellished memory of the
submergence of Poompuhar,
the city described in the
Shilappadikaram and
Manimekhalai epics, a
submergence confirmed by
preliminary underwater
explorations (note that
marine archaeology in India
is only beginning : we can
hope for some major
discoveries in the years
ahead).
What about the so-called
“Dravidian culture,” then?
No one will dispute the
greatness and richness, even
the distinctiveness of the
Tamil genius, but I will
certainly dispute what some
like to call its
“separateness.” Early Tamil
culture was no more
“separate” than, say,
Bengali or Gujarati
cultures. All of them have
their own stamp and own
original contribution, but
all are branches of the same
tree. If you take a look at
the Shilappadikaram again,
you will see vivid
references to Indra, Shiva,
Vishnu, Krishna, Durga,
Lakshmi, and several
mentions of the Veda; King
Shenguttuvan is shown as
bringing the stone for
Kannagi’s idol from the
Himalayas, where his
ancestors are said to have
carved their emblem; he does
fight North Indian kings,
but there is no hint that
their culture is regarded as
different. In historical
accounts, we find Chola and
Chera kings proudly claiming
descent from Rama or from
kings of the Lunar
dynasty—in other words, an
"Aryan" descent. We are told
that the greatest Chola
king, Karikala, was a patron
of both the Vedic religion
and Tamil literature, while
the Pandya king Nedunjelyan
performed many Vedic
sacrifices, and the dynasty
of the Pallavas made their
capital Kanchi into a great
centre of Sanskrit learning
and culture. Another Pandya
king is said to have fed the
armies on both sides during
the Bharata war. And let us
not forget the reverence
accorded in the South to
Agastya, the great seer (rishi)
from the North. Countless
similar examples could be
cited from Sangam poetry or
even the ancient Tamil
grammar Tolkappiyam.[10]
None of this suggests any
clash of culture ; rather
the contrary, it was a
mutual enrichment. While
Vedic culture was welcomed
in the South and harmonized
with local elements, what
has come to be called
“Hinduism” owes much to the
generous contribution the
Tamil land made in return,
for instance in music,
dance, architecture, or the
bhakti movement.
It is now time to conclude,
and to my mind there are
several important lessons to
be drawn from our brief
study of the Aryan
controversy.
The first is that there was
never any Aryan invasion of
India and that our textbooks
will have to be revised in
the light of sound
scientific findings. To
quote Dr. Ambedkar: "The
theory of [Aryan] invasion
is an invention. It is a
perversion of scientific
investigation, it is not
allowed to evolve out of
facts.... It falls to the
ground at every point.”[11]
All available evidence shows
that India’s
Civilization,
whose roots go back even
before the Harappan
Civilization, grew on Indian
soil. As the U.S.
archaeologist Jim Shaffer
puts it :
Current archaeological data
do not support the existence
of an Indo-Aryan or European
invasion into South Asia any
time in the pre- or
protohistoric periods.
Instead, it is possible to
document archaeologically a
series of cultural changes
reflecting indigenous
cultural developments from
prehistoric to historic
periods.[12]
Naturally, this new view
will have considerable
repercussions on the history
of ancient India and of the
ancient world, and we can
safely predict that India
will be shown to have been
the source of much of
Western Civilization. This
had been anticipated by a
number of Western thinkers,
such as the French
philosopher Voltaire, who
said more than two hundred
years ago :
I am convinced that
everything has come down to
us from the banks of the
Ganges, astronomy,
astrology, metempsychosis,
etc. . . [13] It does not
behove us, who were only
savages and barbarians when
these Indian and Chinese
peoples were civilized and
learned, to dispute their
antiquity.[14]
The second lesson is that
those who today still insist
on Aryan-Dravidian divide do
so not only in disregard of
archaeological findings, but
also in complete disregard
of Indian tradition (whether
from the North or from the
South); they prefer to
blindly follow a few
nineteenth-century European
scholars who made up the
invasion theory simply
because they would not
accept that ancient
Civilization could have
flowed out of India. It had
to be the white man who
brought it to India.
Moreover, in that colonial
age, they were eager to
divide India further into
Aryan and Dravidian, North
and South, upper and lower
castes, so as to encourage
conversions to Christianity
and justify the British
presence in India. Certain
present-day followers of
those scholars are equally
interested in this job of
division; the best proof of
it is that they shy away
from serious debates,
preferring to hurl
invectives at serious and
respected archaeologists or
historians, whom they call
“communal,” “parochial,”
etc. for suggesting, for
instance, that Vedic culture
was indigenous and formed
the backdrop of the Harappan
world. In other words, if
you look into the problem
objectively you are
communal, while if you
propagate outdated theories
for political ends, you
utter gospel truths that no
one should dare dispute.
This is not only
unscientific and irrational,
it is obscurantism plain and
simple.
The third lesson is that
Indian culture is
essentially one, though with
considerable regional
variations, which only go to
enrich it. Sri Aurobindo
never tired of stressing
this essential unity. “In
India,” he said, “at a very
early time the spiritual and
cultural unity was made
complete and became the very
stuff of the life of all
this great surge of humanity
between the Himalayas and
the two seas.”[15]
Western Civilization, not
even three centuries after
the Industrial Revolution,
is now running out of
breath. It has no direction,
no healthy foundations, no
value left except
selfishness and greed,
nothing to fill one’s heart
with. India alone has
preserved something of the
deeper values that can make
a man human, and I am
convinced that the world
will be turning to them in
search of a remedy to its
advanced malady. Once
India’s ancientness is
recognized, we will better
understand the strength that
has enabled her to survive
through all those ages.
Whether she will survive her
present phase of degradation
and lead the world to a new
phase is the question.
I will end with these words
from Sri Aurobindo :
A time must come when the
Indian mind will shake off
the darkness that has fallen
upon it, cease to think or
hold opinions at second and
third hand and reassert its
right to judge and enquire
in a perfect freedom into
the meaning of its own
Scriptures. When that day
comes we shall, I think, [.
. .] question many
established philological
myths—the legend, for
instance, of an Aryan
invasion of India from the
north, the artificial and
inimical distinction of
Aryan and Dravidian which an
erroneous philology has
driven like a wedge into the
unity of the homogenous
Indo-Afghan race.[16]
When the most advanced minds
of the occident are
beginning to turn in this
red evening of the West for
the hope of a new and more
spiritual Civilization to
the genius of Asia, it would
be strange if we could think
of nothing better than to
cast away our own self and
potentialities and put our
trust in the dissolving and
moribund past of Europe.[17]
Indian History Revisited
Most people in India today have
been led to believe that the Vedic Aryans
were the first invaders of the country. They
have been the image of the Aryan hordes
pouring down the passes of Afghanistan on
horseback, destroying the indigenous urban
Harappan culture that was Dravidian in
nature. Even Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
subscribed to this view and it remains in
textbooks in India today.
That there was no record of such an event in
ancient Indian records, north or south, was
ignored. That this theory never managed to
prove itself was disregarded.
Recently, however, the Aryan invasion idea
is becoming rejected worldwide in light of
new archaeological evidence that contradicts
it. However, Indian secular and Leftist
thinkers like to denigrate any questioning
of the invasion theory as Hindu
fundamentalist propaganda.
A recent academic paper argues that there is
an indigenous development of civilisation in
India going back to at least 6000 BCE (Mehrgarh).
It proposes that the great Harappan or Indus
Valley urban culture (2600-1900 BCE),
centred on the Saraswati river of Vedic
fame, had much in common with Vedic literary
accounts. It states that the Harappan
culture came to an end not because of
outside invaders but owing to environmental
changes, most important of which was the
drying up of the Saraswati. It argues
further that the movement of populations
away from the Saraswati to the Ganges, after
the Saraswati dried up (c 1900 BCE), was
reflected in the literature with Vedic
Saraswati based literature giving way to
Puranic texts extolling the Ganga. Perhaps
more shockingly, the paper states that the
Aryan invasion theory reflects colonialism
and Eurocentrism and is quite out of date.
Note the conclusion:
"That the archaeological record and ancient
oral and literate traditions of south Asia
are now converging has significant
implications for regional cultural history.
A few scholars have proposed that there is
nothing in the 'literature' firmly placing
the Indo-Aryans outside of south Asia, and
now the archaeological record is confirming
this.
"We reject most strongly the simplistic
historical interpretations, which date back
to the eighteenth century, that continue to
be imposed on south Asian culture history.
These still prevailing interpretations are
significantly diminished by European
ethnocentrism, colonialism, racism, and
anti-semitism. Surely, as south Asian
studies approach the twenty-first century,
it is time to describe emerging data
objectively rather than perpetuate
interpretations without regard to the data
archaeologists have worked so hard to
reveal."
Is this the statement of a Hindutva fanatic?
No, it is by a noted Western archaeologist
specialising in ancient India, James
Schaffer of Case Western University as part
of his new article, 'Migration, Philology
and South Asian Archaeology', soon to appear
in Aryan and Non-Aryan in South Asia:
Evidence, Interpretation and History, edited
by Bronkhorst and Deshpande, University of
Michigan Press.
The Aryan invasion theory, as Schaffer
notes, arose from a Eurocentric view that
was hostile to an Indic basis for Western
civilisation or peoples. The discovery of
close affinities between the Indo-European
languages in the eighteenth century required
an explanation. By placing the original
Aryans in Europe, who later migrated to
India where they got absorbed by the
indigenous population, it took away any need
to connect the ancient Europeans with India,
which was not pleasing to the colonial
mindset. The theory eventually developed an
anti-semetic tone. It was used to trace
Western culture not to the Jews and their
Biblical accounts but to a proposed European
homeland dominated by Nordic peoples. Thus
the invasion theory became one of the
pillars for Nazi historians, yet strangely
the Communists in India have become strong
supporters of the theory and accuse those
who question it of being fascists!.
Archaeologist Mark Kenoyer of the University
of Wisconsin, who is in charge of the Indus
Valley display that is touring American
museums, has similar views as related in an
article on the 'Indus Valley: Secrets of a
Civilisation in Wisconsin Fall 1998':
"If previous scholars were wrong about the
origin of the Indus people, they also missed
the boat when it came to explaining their
downfall, which they attributed to an
invasion by Indo-Aryan speaking Vedic tribes
from the northwest." This theory has now
been ruled out by the lack of archaeological
evidence. Instead, says Kenoyer, "it's
likely that the rivers dried up and shifted
their courses, altering trade routes and
undermining the economy."
Kenoyer is also now arguing that the Indus
script can be traced to 3300 BCE, making it
as old as an Sumerian records of writing.
The skeletal record confirms that same data
as archaeology as Kenneth Kennedy notes in
'Have Aryans Been Identified in the
Prehistoric Skeletal Record from South Asia'
appearing in The Indo-Aryans of South Asia
(Walter de Gruyter 1995). No such Aryan
skeletons have ever been found as different
from indigenous ethnic groups.
"All prehistoric human remains recovered
from the Indian subcontinent are
phenotypically identifiable as south Asians.
Furthermore their biological continuity with
living peoples of India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka
and the border regions is well established
across time and space. Assumptions that
blondism, blue-grey eyes and light skin
pigmentation are physical hallmarks of
either ancient Aryans or of members of
brahmin and other social groups in modern
south Asia, find their origins in the
improper marriage of excerpts from Vedic
texts with nineteenth century Germanic
nationalistic writings."
Most archaeologists in India like B B Lal, S
P Gupta or S R Rao have argued similar
points for several years. At a recent
conference in Los Angeles in August,
sponsored by the World Association for Vedic
Studies (WAVES), Lal argued convincingly the
same points in an excellent paper called the
'Myth of the Aryan Invasion: Some
Reflections on the Authorship of the
Harappan Culture'. Unfortunately, Indian
Leftists called B B Lal's recent book The
Oldest Civilisation in South Asia as
"academically weak and unscholarly," though
he is only relating the implications of the
latest archaeology. How many of these people
ever read Lal's book or the related
archaeological studies is debatable.
Yet even a Communist historian in India like
Romila Thapar, who previously endorsed the
invasion theory has been forced to backtrack
and no longer emphasises it. She recently
notes in a Frontline interview:
"Introducing archaeological data into
historical studies also forces historians to
think along interdisciplinary lines. The
decline of the Indus cities is attributed to
a range of causes, of which ecological
change is among the major ones."
The Aryan invasion theory has been used to
promote various political agendas. British,
Communist, Dravidian and dalit groups have
all used it to their advantage, as have
Muslim and Christian missionaries portraying
the invading Aryans as the bad guys and the
invasion as the source of all social,
political and religious problems in the
country. No other theory of ancient history
has been used for so much modern political
and religious mileage. That such groups are
blaming Hindus for politicising the issue
now that it is turning against them is only
hypocrisy.
Regardless of one's political views, the
Aryan invasion theory is falling into the
dustbin of history. India as a civilisation
has as much continuity both in terms of its
ethnic groups and its literary record. In
fact a new claim for India as the cradle of
civilisation may be possible with further
archaeological finds. Rather than a history
of invasions, there is an indigenous
development of a civilisation with
distinctive features that can be traced back
to the beginnings of agriculture and cattle
rearing in the region. A great history is
there that needs to be reclaimed and
reinterpreted as an integral whole. A new
history of India needs to be written that
recognises this monumental heritage. A good
place to start improving and Indianising the
educational system in the country would be
to correct this misconception which puts the
entire history of the region on a wrong
foundation.
Dr. David Frawley (Pandit Vamadeva Shastri)
is a Vedic and yogic scholar who has been at
the forefront of the new historical view on
ancient India. His books on ancient India
include Gods, Sages and Kings and In Search
of the Cradle of Civilization (with Kak and
Feuerstein). His web site is http://www.vedanet.com/.
The Aryans and Ancient
Indian History
The concept of invading
hordes of Aryans conquering northern
India around 1500 BC arose in the
nineteenth century for a variety of
reasons.
Linguists had established that the
north Indian, Iranian, and most
European languages were structurally
related and belonged to the same
family, which was given the name
Indo-European.
A homeland was postulated and it was
assumed that the residents of this
homeland spoke a common language,
called ``proto-Indo-European''
(PIE), which was the ancestor to the
historically known ancient languages
such as Sanskrit, Avestan, Greek,
Latin, and so on. Based primarily on
linguistic considerations, several
theories were proposed according to
which this homeland was likely to
have been in southeastern Europe or
Central Asia. By assigning an
arbitrary period of 200 years to
each of the several layers of the
pre-Buddhist Vedic literature, the
period of around 1500 BC was arrived
at for the entry of the Aryans into
India.
This alleged Aryan invasion was then
tied up with the mention of the
horse in the Vedic literature by
asserting that the invading Aryans
brought horses and chariots with
them. This hypothesis was considered
proven by claiming that the
domestication of the horse took
place not too much before 1500 BC.
It was assumed that the horse
provided military advantage to the
Aryans, which made it possible for
them to conquer the indigenous
inhabitants of India.
Early objections
Scholars soon pointed out many
problems with this theory. First,
the earliest Indian literature has
no memory of any such entry from
outside and its focus is squarely
the region of the seven
rivers,``Sapta Sindhu'', with its
centre in the Sarasvati valleys and
covering a great part of north and
northwest India ranging from Indus
to Ganga to Sarayu. Second, Indian
traditional king lists go back into
fourth millennium BC and earlier;
also, the more reliable lists of
teachers in the Vedic books cannot
be fitted into the Aryan invasion
chronology.
Third, it was contended that the
beginnings of the vast Vedic
literature needed a greater time
horizon easily reaching back at
least into the third millennium BC.
Fourth, astronomical references in
the Vedic literature refer to events
as early as the fourth millennium
BC. The Puranas remember migrations
out of India; such migrations were
invoked to explain the reference to
Vedic gods in treaties between kings
and to other Indic names in West
Asian texts and inscriptions in the
second millennium BC; but the
supporters of the Aryan invasion
theory saw these West Asian Indic
references as traces of the
migratory path of the Aryans into
India.
Fifth, The Vedic literature nowhere
mentions riding in battle and the
horse was rare in Vedic times and
the word ``ashva'' for horse was
often used figuratively for speed.
Sixth, there was no plausible
process explaining how incursions by
nomads could have overwhelmed the
original languages in one of the
most densely populated regions of
the ancient world.
Seventh, the Vedic literature spoke
of the Aryans as living in a complex
society with an important urban
element; there is mention of cities,
ocean-going ships, numerous
professions, which is contradictory
to the image of barbaric invaders
from the north.
Although the assumptions at the
basis of the Aryan invasion theory
were arbitrary and there was little
supporting evidence, the reason this
theory became popular was that it
fulfilled several unstated needs of
the historians at the time. It
reinforced the racial attitudes
popular in the nineteenth century so
that the highly regarded Vedas could
be assigned to a time before the
Aryans in India mixed with the
indigenous races. The conquest of
India by the British was taken to be
similar to the supposed earlier
conquest by the Aryans and so this
theory played an important
imperialistic function. Slowly, as
the Aryan invasion date became the
anchor that was used to fix other
ancient events in the histories of
the Indian, Iranian, and European
peoples, scholars became ever more
reluctant to question the
assumptions on which it was based.
New discoveries and insights
Archaeological discoveries made in
the Indian sub-continent in the past
century have slowly accumulated
evidence which has
led to a discrediting of the Aryan
invasion model. These discoveries
have been reinforced by new insights
from history of science, astronomy,
and literary analysis. The main
points of the evidence are
highlighted below:
* It has been found that the Sapta
Sindhu region -- precisely the same
region which is the heartland of the
Vedic texts-- is associated with a
cultural tradition that has been
traced back to at least 8000 BC
without any break. It appears that
the Sarasvati region was the centre
of this cultural tradition and this
is what the Vedic texts also
indicate. The term 'Aryan' in Indian
literature has no racial or
linguistic connotations.
* According to the work of Kenneth
Kennedy of Cornell University there
is no evidence of demographic
discontinuity in archaeological
remains during the period 4500 to
800 BC. In other words, there was no
significant influx of people into
India during this period.
* B.B. Lal of the Archaeological
Survey of India discovered fire
altars in his excavations at the
third-millennium site of Kalibangan.
It appears now that fire altars were
in use at other Harappan sites as
well. Fire altars are an essential
part of the Vedic ritual.
* Geologists have determined that
the Sarasvati river dried up around
1900 BC. Since Sarasvati is the
greatest river of the Rigvedic
hymns, one conclusion that can be
drawn is that the Rigveda was
composed prior to 1900 BC.
* Study of pottery styles and
cultural artifacts has led
archaeologists such as Jim Shaffer
of Case Western Reserve University
to conclude that the Indus-Sarasvati
culture exhibits a continuity that
can be traced back to at least 8000
BC. Shaffer summarizes:
``The shift by Harappans [after the
drying up of the Sarasvati river
around 1900 BC] is the only
archaeologically documented
west-to-east movement of human
populations in South Asia before the
first half of the first millennium
BC.'' In other words, there has been
no Aryan invasion.
* A. Seidenberg of University of
California at Berkeley reviewed the
geometry of the fire altars of India
as summarized in early Vedic texts
such as the Shatapatha Brahmana and
compared it to the early geometry of
Greece and Mesopotamia. In a series
of papers, he was able to establish
that this Vedic geometry should be
dated prior to
1700 BC.
* It has now been discovered that
altar constructions were used to
represent astronomical knowledge.
Furthermore, an astronomical code
has been found in the organization
of the Vedic books. This code
establishes that the Vedic people
had a tradition of observational
astronomy which means that the many
astronomical references in the Vedic
texts that point to events as early
as 3000 or 4000 BC can no longer be
ignored.
* Recent computer analysis of the
texts from India have shown thatthe
Brahmi script of the times of the
Mauryan king Ashoka is derived from
the earlier third millennium script
of the Indus-Sarasvati age. This
again is strong evidence of cultural
continuity.
* The archaeological record shows
that the Indus-Sarasvati area was
different from other ancient
civilizations in many cultural
features. For example, in contrast
to ancient Egypt or Mesopotamia, it
shows very little monumental
architecture; it appears that the
political organization and its
relationship to other elites in the
society was unique. This is
paralleled by the unique character
of the Vedic literary tradition with
its emphasis on knowledge and the
nature of the self.
* Remains of the horse have been
discovered in the Harappan ruins. A
clay model of a horse was found in
Mohenjo Daro. New findings from
Ukraine show evidence of horse
riding as early as 4000 BC. The
notion
that the Aryans burst into history
as horse riding nomads sometime
after 2000 BC stands totally
rejected.
Taken together, the cumulative
evidence completely belies the Aryan
invasion theory. If an influx of
people into India took place it
should be earlier than 4500 BC if
one considers the demographic
evidence, and perhaps before 8000 BC
if one considers other related
evidence. On the other hand, it is
equally plausible that the Sapta
Sindhu region was the original
homeland of the Aryans from where
they migrated to Iran and Europe, as
remembered in Puranic legends.
Linguistic issues
Recently, linguists have called into
question the very assumptions that
are at the basis of the genealogical
model of the Indo-European family of
languages. It has been suggested
that the ancient world had very many
language families and that
population increase and greater
contacts and trade with the
emergence of agriculture coupled
with large-scale political
integration led to extinction of
languages and also to a transfer of
languages across
ethnic groups. In such a complex
evolutionary process it is
meaningless to pin a specific
language on any racial type.
In the Indian linguistic area itself
it has been found that there exist
deep structural relationships
between the north Indian and the
Dravidian languages. It is likely
that the Vedic period repesents an
age much after the contact between
these two linguistic families had
begun; in other words, the early
Vedic period might represent a
synthesis between the north Indian
and the Dravidian cultural
histories.
Chronology of the Vedic literature
The collapse of the Aryan invasion
theory, and the assumptions upon
which it was based, opens many other
questions related to the chronology
of the Vedic literature. Certain key
dates in Indian literature were
decided by assuming the flow of
ideas from Greece to India. For
example, the Sutra literature was
dated to after 300 BC primarily
because it was assumed that the
geometry of the Shulba Sutras came
after Greek geometry. Now that
Seidenberg has shown that
essentially the same geometry was
present in the earlier Brahmanas,
which definitely predate Greek
geometry, the question of the
chronology of the Sutra literature
becomes important. Using
astronomical references it appears
that the Vedic Samhitas should be
dated to the third millennium BC,
the Brahmanas to the second
millennium BC, with the Upanishads
and the Sutras coming somewhat
later. But further research is
needed here.
An interesting question that arises
is: why did the Aryan invasion
theory hold sway for so long? The
answer is complex and related to the
use of a flawed method. The
invasions were considered verified
by a circular logic. The dates
within the invasion theory were used
to characterize the nature of the
evolution of Vedic Sanskrit, and
this was in turn related to observed
peculiarities of other ancient
Indo-European languages such as
Hittite, Avestan, Armenian, Greek,
Latin, and so on. Migrations at
different times from the supposed
homeland were then invoked to
explain these peculiarities. This is
circular logic, and consequently no
amount of linguistic evidence can
lead to the falsification of the
model.
The debunking of the Aryan invasion
theory raises many questions about
the earliest periods of the
Indo-European linguistic groups and
the connections between their
cultures.
Subhash Kak is a professor at
Louisiana State University, Baton
Rouge
www.ee.lsu.edu/kak
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